Dossier Comiso
Contents:
*Introduction
*Statement
by Ragusa anarchist group and Rivolta e Liberta’ anarchist group
*Organizational
document of the self-managed leagues
*Flier by
Statement by Ragusa anarchist group and ‘Rivolta e Liberta’ anarchist
group
*Flier to
Students
*Flier to
Service Workers
*steps and countersteps of a project of
death (chronology of events)
*American military bases in Sicily
Comiso, a small town of 28,000 inhabitants in the south east of Sicily, has been chosen to house the largest arsenal of Cruise atomic missiles in Europe. If the local population does not mobilize soon to prevent this criminal maneuver decisively along the lines which have been successful in places such as Larzac in the south of France (where shepherds and peasants managed, after years of occupation and struggle, to regain their land from the French State's nuclear project), not only Comiso, but the whole of Sicily will shortly be transformed into a militarized desert.
The foundations for this US
strategy have already been laid (see American bases in Sicily). The Cruise
missile base, with its accompanying contingent of 15,000 US technicians and
soldiers, is planned to become the nerve center to link up the already existing
structures, in turn preparing to house this, mobile arsenal of death during
their intended excursions through- out Sicilian territory, for that is the
intention: to move the missiles throughout Sicily in lorries to program their genocidal trajectories to Russia,
Libya, or wherever else US interests feel themselves to be threatened.
Certainly, for
the Sicilians the perspective of a foreign domination is nothing new: from the
Romans, Arabs, Byzatin Normans, French, Spanish and
Piedmontese, the exploited of
the island have known domination and submission, the bourgeoisie dealings and
enrichment. No doubt this fact also influenced the American assassins' choice,
complementary to the island's strategic position in the Mediterranean. The long
suffering proletariat of the island (once a fertile garden, the granary of the
Roman Empire) deliberately kept below poverty level by capital concentration in
the north, are so accustomed to foreign invasion that it has become almost a
way of life. An army of social scientists have been studying the coup, and the first of the invaders have
arrived, especially chosen Italo-American families, nice people with nice
children and lots of nice dollars to spend on rents, cars, furnishings, etc, in
such a way that the most avid of the shopkeeping and commercial class and the
most alienated part of the bored youth far from the explosions of rage in the
northern metropoli are beginning to hope that the American dream has finally
reached their doorsteps. Not so for the thousands of unemployed farmhands who
fill the piazzas at dusk in the hope
of finding work for the next day (with the chance of about one day out of every
fifteen), the thousands of proletarian housewives incarcerated in the
drought-stricken quarters of the town (running water two hours a day, yet
Comiso is built upon a natural spring and underground wells containing millions of liters of water), the hundreds of building labourers
deliberately made unemployed through the political strategy of antiseismic laws
(where the threat of earthquake prevents them from building two-storey houses
and at the same time permits the installation of an atomic bomb plant) in order
to render them, out of desperation in a land where the misery of social
security sounds like an Arcadian dream, favorable to the base as bringer of jobs
to the area. All these strata and many more are profoundly against
the arrival of the Americans and their deadly wares. Why have they not done
anything about it then?
As well as a certain defeatist and long
suffering attitude, as well as the mafiosi politicians of the Christian
Democracy and the Socialist Party (Socialist "defense" minister
Lagorio at national level, and mayor Catalano of Comiso) who signed the
agreement to house the missiles, great responsibility lies with the local
political forces who claim to be against the base, in particular the Communist
Party which still holds considerable credibility in the area. This party, the
largest communist party in Europe, can at the drop of a hat mobilize a
demonstration of 100,000 people by laying on buses and bringing them from all
over Sicily and the rest of Italy, and this has been their strategy: to call
for a massive peace march, a day of letting off steam, shouting of slogans,
dancing in the fields then, home to wait for the next directive. A few of their
leaders have participated in symbolic limited hunger strikes; a petition has
been signed including 12,500 signatures from Comiso alone. Good democratic,
totally ineffective dissense. The CUDIP(1)-CP initiative permanently in existence in Comiso, is another
democratic vent, as is substantially the international peace camp which
includes the MIR(2), various colors of
pacifists, buddhist monks, etc. Their good intentions are exceeded only by the
ineffectiveness of their gestures which have until now included the construction
of a wall of cardboard boxes in front of the airport, the drawing of corpses on
the streets of Comiso, debates on theories of pacifism, encounters with
archbishops, and are always available for discussion with other expressions of
the power structure such as police, politicians, the Pope, etc. Even the FLM(3) from Milan, reputed to be
one of the most combative unions in Italy, in their only public appearance
during the week their delegates spent in Comiso, simply covered the piazza Fonte
Diana in multi-coloured paper doves and gave a talk with no precise
indications. In the zoological park that Comiso had become, concrete proposals
of struggle were essential.
Anarchist
groups Rivolta e Liberta’ of
Catania, and Ragusa anarchist group have been working to this end since May
this year. May, June and July were spent doing a series of outdoor meetings in
Comiso and the twelve or so surrounding towns and villages, with bookstalls,
mass distribution of leaflets containing counter-information concerning the
base and urging workers in the area to organize against it.
An international anarchist conference was
held in the municipal sports ground in Comiso July 31 and August 1 to discuss
the position of the anarchist movement on the struggle in course and to measure
the participation of the movement at the level of regular space in anarchist
publications, printing of posters, radio programmes, subscriptions, etc. In
spite of the terrific heat the conference (attended by about two hundred comrades)
was fairly positive, and culminated in a public meeting in the piazza Fonte
Diana where comrade Alfredo Bonanno talked to the comrades and the people of
Comiso (male workers and unemployed, the women of Comiso do not circulate
freely and the female comrades went to talk to them in their places of
repression, i.e. the home), denouncing the criminal US project and urging
those present to organize to fight it.
The meeting was
also the scene of an antimilitarist action: anarchist comrade Pippo Scarso who
lives in the Ragusa area and is extremely active in the work against the base,
made a declaration as to why he had refused to turn up for military service
when called up the previous month, (see statement further on in document) and
tore up his call up card. None of the hundreds of carabinieri surrounding the piazza budged to arrest him-they realized the local sympathy was strong
and that an arrest would be counter-productive. Pippo is still working at
Comiso, he has been informed that he is to be tried for "instigation to
commit a crime" as well as do twelve months sentence for objection against
the armed forces. After the meeting comrades marched in the dark to the Magliocco airport, proposed site of the missile base. The police presence
was massive but the demonstration did not allow itself to be provoked and the
point was made, at this point symbolically only: that if we want to prevent the
base we must go towards it, not from it as all the previous grandiose marches
had done.
As the weeks
went on, however, the comrades realized that there was a positive response to
their efforts but that it was necessary to go beyond counter-information and
suggestions. A concrete organizational proposal was necessary as the logical
consequence of their discourse. It was necessary to find an organizational form
which would automatically, through its methodology and general principles, make
the class selection necessary for a direct attack on the base. The form chosen
was the self-managed League, an autonomous, anti-bureaucratic,
anti-hierarchical, mass organism (see Document)
which can be formed even by two or three people, but always in the optic of
a quantitive growth and with the sole and unique aim of occupying and
destroying the base. The League as instrument of struggle is not foreign to the
local peasants and farmhands who used this method in the years following the
war to occupy the land and successfully expropriated it from the landowners.
Many of the townspeople of Comiso have also known the experience of mass rebellion.
Comiso was one of the major towns in Sicily to rise up against the Italian
State's call back to arms at the beginning of 1945. Exhausted and disheartened
workers returned from the front to find their families in abject poverty and
they refused to return to fight. A great antimilitarist insurrection took
place in Comiso, Ragusa and many of the nearby villages, and the State's tanks
and machine guns did not intimidate the Comisani
then. It is towards this situation of mass rebellion that the work carried
out by the anarchist comrades in the area is directed.
The month of August was spent preparing for
this next phase in the struggle, and in September small premises were opened
near the center of Comiso, a co-ordinating office as point of reference, communication
and support for the Leagues which were beginning to form in the area. The whole
of the ground covered in the early months was returned to: Over twenty outdoor
meetings, thousands of leaflets distributed, Document relative to the Leagues
printed. radio and television programs, etc. The results to date have been
encouraging. There are now almost ten self-managed Leagues in the area, and the
terminology and project which they are proposing has become popular knowledge.
In Vittoria, a town of 40,000 inhabitants 6 km from Comiso, 400 school pupils
came out on strike spontaneously on reading the leaflet from the Coordinamento
(see leaflet). They have since formed a League of students whose first
initiative was that of leafletting all the other five major secondary schools
in Vittoria, calling them to an immediate strike and outdoor assembly. Within
an hour the piazza Gramsci was filled with over a thousand 15-18 year olds,
enthusiastically discussing the problem of the base and the mystifications that
surround it. The almost immediate arrival of police and carabinieri did not
deter them, some of whose names were taken in the controls that followed when
the major part of the meeting had dissembled. Debates are now being organized
within the schools, and in Comiso a students' League has been formed. There
also exists an intersectoral League in Comiso, as well as in Pedalino,
Chiaramonte, Belpasso, Catania. In the county of Mistretta, a mountainous area
in the north of Sicily between Messina and Palermo, a self-managed League
against the missile base at Comiso has also been formed. This area has recently
been chosen by the government to become a firing range for the Italian army.
The large mountainous area is at present an important sheep-rearing area, and the
local shepherds, determined to fight the decision, have forced the 13 local
mayors, many of them Christian Democrats, to go against their party's criminal
plans.
Another very important area
which has been reached by the comrades through the Coordinamento is that of the 3,000 workers of the ANIC petrol
refinery in Gela, in south western Sicily. The Americans now have over fifty
per cent shares in the company which is at present under restructuring, i.e.
sacking of 500 workers, another 700 due to be laid off. Clearly once the
Americans have not only financial but also military control of the area, they
will not hesitate to close this now out of date plant which no longer interests
them. Their health (another worker was killed there two weeks ago) and environment
ruined by poisonous fumes, the only perspective that faces the workers there is
to join the already hundreds of unemployed in the town square every morning in
the vain hope of finding a day's labouring. The solution of the past-to pack
the cardboard suitcase and join the assembly lines of Switzerland and
Germany-is no longer even open to them. Clearly they have every interest in
organizing in first person to fight the arrival of the Americans and to create
a force capable of imposing their demands on the structures of economic power.
Their interest in the contents of the leaflets are the Leagues and eventual
occupation and destruction of the base was great, to such an extent that the
morning shift did not go in when the bell rang, and the servants of the
management rang for the police. The comrades present were driven to the police
headquarters and threatened with expulsion from the area with sinister menaces
of what would become of them should they return as they said they would. The
ANIC workers meanwhile had obliged a trade union and CP representative to go to
the police to get the comrades out. Since then two more leaflets have been
distributed at the ANIC, and a meeting held in the main square of Gela with
several hundred workers and unemployed present. On the workers' request
attempts are being made to hold a general assembly with them inside the
factory, project which has obviously met with the obstructionsim of the unions.
However, this area remains one of potential explosion.
The forces of repression in all their forms,
police, politicians, mass media, etc, are doing what they can to obstruct the
work of the Coordinamento. Open
attempts to intimidate, spreading of rumours, printing false information are
but a few of the well worn techniques that have been put into effect until now.
The work is continuing, and comrades are determined to intensify it over the
next weeks so that the occupation of the base should be possible in the
spring. If things continue as they are going there is every chance that this
will be possible.
It is necessary
for anarchist comrades everywhere to be aware of what is going on in Comiso and
realize that this is not a local problem, but one which concerns the whole of
Europe and the world. All comrades can participate in the struggle, either by
coming to Comiso themselves, or keeping informed and distributing
counter-information in their own areas of struggle. Financial support is
essential to meet the expenses which go far beyond the possibilities of the
local comrades.
THERE IS STILL TIME TO PREVENT THE CONSTRUCTION
OF THE CRUISE MISSILE BASE AT COMISO!
NOTES TO COMISO DOSSIER
Introduction
1 CUDIP: United Committee for Peace and Disarmament in
Comiso
2 MIR: International Reconciliation Movement
3 FLM: Pederazione
Lavoratori Metalmeccanici (Metallurgists' and Mechanics' Union)
The cruise missle base at Comiso can be Prevented!
Single issue printed by Ragusa anarchist group and Rivolta e
Liberta’ anarchist group, Catania – July, 1982
US imperialism's decision to
place Cruise missiles in Comiso, in the centre of Sicily and the Mediterranean,
is of an easily comprehensible military and strategic significance. Beyond the
pro-American propaganda on a purely military and technical level which explains
away this criminal decision as necessary to maintain an equilibrium with the
Soviet missiles located on the Eastern frontiers of Europe, there is the fact
that the very decision to build the missile base places itself in the optic
of "preparing for war to maintain peace", forever the battle-cry of
States who see in war a solution for the difficulties of domination and the
continuation of exploitation.
Why Comiso? The
answer is simple. As well as the strictly military ones there are economic and
political reasons. Sicily, like Friuli, Campania and Sardinia-other areas
chosen for the installation of atomic arms-are underdeveloped situations where
three perspectives which are extremely favourable to capitalist dominion are
foreseeable: a) intensive militarization of the territory to the point of
reaching the closure of vast areas and even their "desertization";
b) organization of the struggle entrusted to the parties of the so-called left,
with whom it is always possible to enter into dialogue and reach compromises;
c) the great need for work, especially to avoid the prospect of emigration,
which constitutes the most powerful blackmail for gaining mass consensus for
the construction of the base.
These are the reasons for the choice of
Comiso, and therefore also constitute an outline of the difficulties which any
revolutionary struggle intending to subvert and defeat imperialism's project
of building the base in Comiso will encounter.
The Sicilian reality
One of the levers of consensus which American
imperialism can count on in Sicily is a certain mentality of delegation and
fatalism which has inserted itself within the popular strata, especially the
land labourers, and which finds a response in the mafia mentality which directs
a power alternative to that of the State and which is often more efficient than
the latter.
Local capitalism in Sicily
contains a strong mafia content and has relations of patronage both with the
intermediate strata and with the poorest of the population. These relationships
substantially substitute State power, often seen as something far off and
attainable only through the mafia intermediary.
The Municipality, the Province,
the Region and the various organisms of assistance are used in an exclusively
patronal context, serving to support a capillary and efficient structure of
consensus. The bureaucracy has not yet reached the technological levels which
characterize it elsewhere but still has the great Bourbon tradition
transplanted from Piedmont which renders indispensable the element of mafia
power manoeuvres and the connection between the political and economic mafias.
The industrial centers are
anomalous, the greater part of the island working class not having an
industrial specification but, having foreseen with the shrewdness
characteristic of the poor that these installations were essentially capitalist
traps, has not lost contact with their original peasant reality and at present
find themselves in a situation which is neither working class nor belonging to
the strata of peasant or farmhand. The weakness of the struggle from this area
is striking.
The
land labourers are basically the most combatant proletarian reality because
they are linked to very difficult and often minimal situations of survival. The
Communist Party, the Socialist Party and even the Christian Democrats are
trying to involve the latent dissent of this strata in productive organizations
such as cooperatives giving a prospect of continued work and guaranteeing
consensus to make it safe for them to approach moments of greater social
tension where they will not be able to keep the promises they have made. In the
Ragusa area the present situation presents more complex characteristics due
to the greenhouse productive sector where alongside the proprietor of a
particularly profitable piece of land one finds the figure of the half day
labourer, at the same time wage earner and small proprietor, nominally
available for the struggle but substantially tied to the profit perspective,
that of small property and therefore of compromises with power capable of
guaranteeing or destroying the conditions which make the small peasant greenhouse
cultivation productive.
The
lumpenprolatariat strata fluctuates a great deal. It grows during the phases of
increased unemployment in the building industry and when the possibility of
work in the industrial sector diminishes. Farmhands and day labourers who are,
within certain limits, available for the struggle, also enter this undoubtedly
interesting strata. The source of income for the lumpenproletariat of the
Ragusa area is extremely varied: from social assistance to sweat labour, from
lay off money to work on the land, from microscopic commercial activities
(street selling, small transporters, middlemen in improbable real estate
affairs, etc), to simply survival. This strata is accustomed to poverty and
suffering. In the Ragusa area the tendency towards the organized crime
typical of the Palermo and Catania areas is more restricted and this could
become a considerable area of absorption when, in the perspective of the
realization of the base, the large mafia organizations intervene massively in
the area.
The illusion of well-being
The argument of the
well-being the Americans would bring to the Comiso area has been put forward
parallel to that of the slight or inexistent dangers the installation of the
base would represent.
This is an argument which
always attracts the attention of the exploited. They can understand it because
for them the concept of sacrifice-of any kind-is inherent to the concept of
work. The State is far away, hence if one wants to obtain anything it is always
necessary to refer to local patronage, but when the State approaches to propose
a grandiose project, then the old illusions are rekindled.
The poor foster
a hope of solving their problem, and the rich know with certainty that, even
for only a period, their wealth will increase. The army of those who are
neither rich nor poor tries to obtain the maximum utility from the occasion.
In this
perspective the affair is proposed by international capitalism, local forces
are mobilised by national capitalism who, in agreement with the mafia
structures guarantee the functioning of patronage and lay the foundations for
its concrete realization. The exploited try to extract all the benefit
possible. The blackmail of precarious wages, commercial affairs, increase in
sales for shopkeepers, reach insupportable levels.
The consequences of this are very serious: the
breaking up of the cultural homogenity which alone could have guaranteed the
progressive development of the struggle and therefore also collective
well-being; upheaval of the local market (rise in prices of goods of prime
necessity, rents, abnormal development in circulation of money and goods);
militarisation of the territory which could even go as far as the closure of
wide areas and periodical or continued blanket control, to the presence of
large contingents of the army and various police forces; impossibility of
exploiting even the minimal advantages guaranteed by the same irrational managerial
and commercial activity; rationalism of the mafioso patrons on the Palermo
model; presence of serious mafia conflicts resulting in hundreds of murders;
rise in criminal activity (robberies, extortions, theft, violence of every
kind); rationalisation and increase in heavy drug market (in the first place
heroin and cocain); diffusion and mafia control of prostitution.
Social peace
The
"peace" of the bosses is built on arms, declared and potential
conflicts, missile installations, armies, police, military and mafia-type
cultures. It is the peace of the graveyard. Along the road of capital's transformation
from formal dominion to that of real dominion the contradictions typical of
competitive capital are diminishing, leaving the perspective of profit at any
cost in favor of increased State intervention in the economic field. This intervention
transforms the conditions of economic competition, puts the profit objective
into second place, rationalizes exploitation and centralizes domination which
is camouflaged by the democratic and representative charade.
The production of value is
subordinated to the production of social peace. Consensus becomes the
principal industry around which the whole State machinery turns, exclusively directed
towards guaranteeing international capitalism exploitation on a planetary
level. The local problem passes into second place in the perspective of the
equilibrium and projects of the multinationals. Assistance is gradually taking
over from the logic of production.
But the solving of capitalism's
contradictions, especially at a regional and local level, cannot be attained
unless it goes beyond the conditions of present-day capitalism which are often
backward. Social conflicts are still acute and can even worsen as a
consequence of the need to progressively extend the project of real dominion
to all parts of the world. The difficulties in the production of social peace
are therefore still great. And it is in this direction that the efforts of
those struggling against domination must address their efforts, against the
State and against Capital. Our class enemy has a vested interest in preparing
for the final extinction of any opposition and revolutionary dissent but to
do that it must improve the conditions of exploitation which at present
cause, among other things, one death every hour and one wounded every five
minutes in Italy alone. This improvement will rationalize exploitation and
therefore the class struggle will become more complex, but time is needed to
put it into effect. In the meantime it will always be necessary for the bosses
to oppose each other in the international clash both on the economic and the
narrow military level. This tragically leads to nuclear decisions, atomic war
decisions, and decisions such as genocide (Lebanon, Afghanistan, San Salvador,
etc) which lead back to the problem of the level of the class struggle.
In this way capitalism works
towards war while speaking of peace. It builds, sells and uses traditional and
atomic arms, but affirms that it does so because there is no other way to
safeguard social peace. The exploited have no interest in this
"peace" of the bosses.
Those responsible
Limiting ourselves to the
construction of the missile base at Comiso it is possible to identify a few
basic responsibilities.
International
capitalism and its national and local equivalent have an interest in the armed
defense of their projects of domination. The NATO, in as far as it is a
specific organism created for this defense, is the armed gendarme who
intervenes to put a brake on situations which are dangerous for capital and to
prevent situations of social conflict being created in perspective. To do this
both military (coordination between different armies, new armaments, common
exercises, deployment of military contingents), and political means are used.
In the
political perspective the Christian Democrats are the party which has revealed
itself to be incapable of undertaking the task of protecting the interests of
international capital. For this reason, in the orbit of government, the Italian
Socialist Party has been inserted, and has increasingly become the party of
the Americans and the most suitable political force at a technocratic and
managerial level for doing what the Christian Democrats -too tied to mafia
patronage with a backward mentality-failed to do.
But the
essential cover is supplied by the Communist Party. It is this party which
takes charge of putting a brake on the rebellious impulse of the exploited,
organizing the recuperation of every form of dissent, breaking up the
combativity of the land labourers through the formation of cooperatives and
other swindles such as participation in factory profits, channeling the quite
legitimate hopes of those who have never had anything to cause them to lose
their conflictual content. We have seen clearly how, in the case of Comiso, the
gigantic party machinery has been put into action to develop a formal and
platonic dissent through marches, petitions, and hunger strikes, all to prevent
a real and effective dissent taking place based on occupation, sabotage,
attacks on the bosses' interests, the preparation of the means to prevent the
construction of the base.
Another strata which bears a
strong responsibility in the project of robbery and death which is being
planned for Comiso is that of the shopkeepers. Their miserable interest in
increasing sales, of seeing dollars circulating instead of the usual few lire,
has been exalted as a benefit which would be enjoyed by the collectivity of
the whole area, while it is dramatically obvious that their personal and
circumscribed interests would be heavily paid for by the poor if not other than
by an immediate and considerable rise in prices from rents to goods of primal
necessity. There can be no doubt that one of the obstacles to be contended
with in the struggle will be precisely the organization of the shopkeepers in
the area.
Another
category who bears responsibility is that of the small proprietor who conformed
immediately to the indications of struggle supplied by the CP, precisely
because they are convinced that this strategy does not intend to do anything of
any immediate real content. In fact the small proprietors, even those directly
damaged by the construction of the base, want to prevent its construction, but
this is subordinated to an eventual proposal of an indemnity allowance by the
organs responsible. In other words their struggle is linked to an uncertain
condition: first they want to see how the State and the Region behave, only
then will they really be available to struggle and could go back on this if a
proposal by the responsible bodies, should become convenient
again.
But there is one last category which will
bear a great responsibility should it not respond coherently to the proposals
of the bearers of death: the category of workers, especially the labourers in
the building sector, and even more the great number of unemployed who have
deliberately been thrown into the gutter during the past few months in order to
create a favorable disposition towards the base (bringing work and
well-being!). The swindle is not difficult to understand. The consistency and
duration of the work itself is practically minimal, the benefits to be drawn
from it will have the same limited duration and soon be reabsorbed by the
increase in prices, hence the solution would still be that of remaining
unemployed or of leaving to swell emigration. One might just as well -impose
one's own conditions right away, establishing the terms of the struggle
immediately, making it impossible for the bearers of death to continue their
blackmail. It is necessary to be very clear on this subject. Struggling immediately
and efficiently, two results could be obtained: the construction of the base
would be blocked and the bosses and politicians be obliged to find a solution
to the problem of unemployment with other initiatives which will be realized
more quickly the more effective the struggle against the base.
An organizational proposal
Our
intervention in the reality of Comiso and the whole of the Ragusa area-in the
towns of Ragusa, Vittoria, Modica, Ispica, Giarratana, Monterosso and the
principal villages of the coastal region-which is still in course, can be
divided into three phases and culminates with a proposal of self-managed
organization.
The first phase has
developed and is continuing to develop a direct contact with the different
situations through meetings in the town squares and leafletting. The arguments
chosen for the meetings and the drawing up of leaflets have been deliberately
simplified, avoiding very detailed and complicated analyses in order to center
the argument on one point: the construction of the base can be prevented, on
the condition that
the means suitable for doing so are used; the means suggested and put into
practice by the Communist Party are not suitable for preventing the construction
of the base. This aim will not be reached through colossal but ineffective
marches, courageous but isolated hunger strikes or the signing of petitions
which will be rendered useless by the swindles of power. Such means are
fictitious means which do not really intend to prevent the construction of the
base. It is necessary to employ harder and more effective ones. The bosses and
their servants understand one language: that of fear. It is necessary
therefore to frighten them, as has been done in the past. It is enough to think
of the occupation of the land which has put an end to the injustices of the
large landowners. It is therefore necessary to have recourse to the means of
occupation, sabotage, hard frontal attack.
The second phase in our intervention
is centered on the organization of the international anarchist conference which
will take place in Comiso in the municipal sports ground on July 31 and August
1. It will be a fundamental occasion for the anarchist movement, along with the
most sensitive area of the proletariat and lumpenproletariat, to go into the
problem of the struggle against the base. From this conference should emerge
indications of method, analytical indications and more general indications of
struggles as the problem of Comiso runs the very great risk of isolation, i.e.
of becoming closed as a specific struggle within a precise area of Sicily and
within that kind of struggle which has as its point of reference antimilitarism,
the struggle against war and against nuclear power. The passage to the
generalization of interventions to other sectors, and therefore the discussion
and examination of methods to be used in struggle against the base in Comiso
can only be realized through an analytical and creative contribution of the
movement as a whole.
The third phase is predominantly organizational and
does not necessarily follow the first two but can develop parallel to them. Our
aim is to suggest the creation (and therefore to contribute to creating) self-managed
leagues against the Comiso base in the various localities, leagues which will
be able to continue the struggle in first person, determining the
characteristics of the conflict, decided by the various localities, leagues
which will be able to continue the struggle in first person. In our opinion,
and basing this on the results of the first phase of intervention, we are
reasonably certain that a strong dissent exists in the various provinces of
Ragusa and particularly in Comiso itself among the base of the CP concerning
the methods of struggle suggested by this party. Moreover there also exists considerable
dissent within the base of the Socialist Party who do not share the positions
of Craxi and Lagorio, and this component is very strong especially among the
old farm hands. Moreover one can count on a non-political dissent which could,
if opportunely sensitized
through a
capillary intervention in the peripheries of the various towns, draw in the
proletarian women in particular. In a struggle such as Comiso the function
which this strata could develop should in no way be underestimated.
In conclusion,
it appears that our efforts should be directed towards the birth and growth of
this organizational structure with self-managed characteristics. The
development of the struggle, which we foresee must necessarily address itself
towards harder and more acute levels, would then have a solid base which would
necessarily and autonomously be capable of operating the class selection which
will make the positive result of the revolutionary engagement possible.
Steps and countersteps of a project of death
1 PSI Partito Socialista
Italiana (Italian
Socialist Party)
2 PCI Partito Comunista
Italiana (Italian
Communist Party) 3 PR Partito
Radicale (Radical Party)
4 PDUP Partito
di Unity Proletaria (Proletarian Unity Party)
5
CUDIP
United Committee for Peace and Disarmament in Comiso
Organizational document of the self-managed leagues
Coordinamento delle Leghe
autogestite contro la base missilistica di Comiso-via Conte di Torinol-Comiso
tel. 0932/966289
The decision to build a base
for 112 American Cruise missiles at Comiso is part of the project of political
and military equilibrium between the two great superpowers. The justification
given to this deadly enterprise is that it is necessary to counter pose the
Russian atomic bases which are lined up against Europe with all possible means.
In fact it is not possible
to put a brake on the criminal initiatives of the Soviet Union which as a
superpower has betrayed the antimilitarist ideals of the international
proletariat through just as criminal initiatives as those of the United States
and their European servants. The increase in atomic bases does not defend from
attacks from anywhere but constitutes a grave threat for the survival of the
whole planet. The struggle must be directed towards preventing new bases (such
as the one at Comiso) but also to destroying those already in existence,
including the Russian ones and those of all the other States.
Comiso is destined to
becoming the largest atomic missile base in Europe and the forerunner of other
bases to be built in Spain, Germany, Great Britain and elsewhere. If we do not
manage to prevent this criminal project we Sicilians shall be the first to have
the responsibility of seeing in our land the largest atomic bomb plant in existence
in Europe today.
This sad record will be
accompanied by a series of other negative consequences which the arrival of an
American army of occupation (15,000 US soldiers are expected) will cause
immediately. Rise in prices, circulation of heavy drugs, increase in
prostitution, militarisation of the territory, presence in our area of mafioso
organizations to sell drugs to the Americans, control prostitution, and
speculation on the contracts for work on the base. All this will mean an
increase in violence (robberies, kidnappings, thefts) and restriction of
individual freedom (controls, road blocks, militarized zones, etc).
The Socialist Party has
shown itself to be a true servant of American interests, accepting the
imposition of the USA and approving the order to build the base in Sicily
through their defense minister LagoFio. The Christian Democrats have set to
work right away to control building contracts for the hotels, apartments and
restaurants which the Americans will need, and all the contracts for the
construction of the base itself, through the mafia.
The Communist Party has
given inefficient and discontinuous indications of struggle, showing
themselves to be undecided, weak and inefficient. Marches (even composed of
100,000 people), petitions, hunger strikes, impress no one.
The struggle against the
construction of the Comiso missile base requires other means and methods.
- Is an autonomous
organization of struggle which gathers all those who really and sincerely
intend to prevent the construction of the base.
- Is not a bureaucratic
organization. It has no statutes, associative rules, constitutive documents,
etc. It can also have no permanent meeting place.
- The individual Leagues
spread over the territory are born spontaneously and have as sole point of
reference the general principles specified here.
- The League is therefore an
organism of struggle which refuses to give permanent delegation to its
representatives and so denies a specific professionality of this
representation.
- The League is constantly
engaged in the, struggle against the construction of the base.
- Each
component of the League considers him/herself to be in struggle against the
base and against the interests which want to realize it, recognizing that
these interests are those of the exploiters and their servants.
- The League is not an
organization of defense of the interests of this or that category of worker. It
is therefore not a trade union or parasyndical structure.
- The propaganda activity of
struggle of each individual League will preferably be co-ordinated with that of
the other Leagues, while it remains that it is possible also for independent
initiatives with local characteristics, but always with the objective of
preventing the construction of the base and respecting the common principles.
- Adhesion to the League is
the logical conclusion of whoever shares
neither the ineffective
initiatives of those who are looking for a fictitious counterposition.
B) GENERAL PRINCIPLES
- The
struggle against the construction of the base will have positive results only
on condition that it be constant, uninterrupted and effective. A desultory,
sporadic struggle with occasional interventions will end up a losing battle.
The Leagues are
self-managed, i.e. they do not depend on any organization, party, trade union,
patronage, etc. They receive no money apart from what comes from spontaneous
subscriptions from the adherents to the Leagues themselves. From this autonomy
derives their strength.
- The
leagues refuse the road of mediation, pacification, sacrifice, accommodation,
compromise. They support the need for attack against the boss interests which
are realizing this criminal project.
C) METHODS
The involvement
of the bosses and the American criminals is constant. They take no time off.
They mean to realize their project of death within a brief period. Their action
spreads against us in a thousand ways: unemployment, increase in prices,
intimidation and repression. Tomorrow-should the base be built-this repression
will reach the maximum of insupportability and we shall be deprived of even
the freedom to think. To constant repression the Leagues reply with permanent conflictuality.
- All the work categories have an interest in
preventing the base. The least wealthy categories but also those who are a
little better off: even the shopkeepers who might imagine that they will cash
in something extra on the arrival of the Americans must also take into account
the mafia extortion rackets which will be organized to their cost in the area.
The same goes for the peasants who are threatened by expropriation and have the
right to put their land to really productive use. The other methods which the
Leagues employ is therefore the widening
of the struggle front.
- Counterinformation
on the real situation in Comiso is a further method of struggle. Posters,
leaflets, newspapers, radio, television, etc, all these instruments must be
addressed not only to the inhabitants of the area but also to the whole of
Sicily; Italy and the world. Today Comiso and the problem of the base are at
the center of world attention. Through this attention it is possible to defeat
the criminals and their servants with our struggle. But the management of
information must be autonomous, i.e. must be against the information racket such as the local daily "La
Sicilia" and the penny liners in its service.
- To reach the strata which
are excluded from having knowledge of the problem: proletarian women,
housewives, children, old people. All of them have the right to know the grave
danger that is facing them and it is right that they be able to bring their own
contribution to the social struggle which is developing against the
construction of the base.
- To accept the
equivocations of the chatter, putting off time, the promises made by power,
means to give the criminals more time to realize their project. We must choose
the immediate method of intervention and not put off to infinity what should
be done right away.
- We should not forget that
to be built the Comiso base requires our acceptance, the acceptance of all
those who are working on it, those who allow the passage of materials with
which it will be built. It is therefore necessary to widen the field of
struggle, also to having the workers of these firms participate, because with
their strikes and obstacles they will be able first to delay and secondly
eventually prevent the construction of the base.
- The method which the
Leagues consider final and adequate to really preventing the construction of
the base is its occupation. But this occupation must be a conscious decision
made by the Leagues and realized with all the means necessary at the opportune
moment. We must reply to the foolhardiness and criminality of the American
imperialists and their local servants with great responsibility and just as
great decision.
- Each individual League
meets as it thinks fit and the way it desires, with the frequency that it considers
necessary and in the place it considers best fitted to its structure. Their
initiatives are made known to the other Leagues-if this is considered
necessary-through the coordinating body which, with this aim, draws up a
periodical bulletin, where the decisions of the individual Leagues are
published.
- Representatives of all the
Leagues meet periodically at Comiso for a debate and exchange of views.
- The first duty of every
League is intervention directed outwards to quantitively increase its growth.
- The League is a mass
organization, therefore as such can assume the form of sectorial League, (farm
labourers' League, peasants' League, shopkeepers' League, students' League,
lorrydrivers' League, teachers'
League, etc), or the
intersectorial form of league (city League, village League, zone League,
interzonal League, etc).
The choice of the struggle
to be conducted is periodically decided by the individual Leagues from general
meetings. The most important decisions are made at the meetings of the representatives
of the leagues.
D) PERSPECTIVES
- The Leagues are not
corporative organisms. They do not have the perspective of defending the
interests of a category, village or social group.
- They are mass structures
aimed at preventing the base.
- Any attempt from within or
without to channel the Leagues towards electoral objectives, power, patronage,
trade unions, simple resistance, etc, must be prevented.
- Developing the various
initiatives the Leagues can make their weight felt at the level of mass organisms,
imposing the decision not to build the base on the structures of power.
E) THE CO-ORDINATING BODY
- The coordinating body of
the self-managed Leagues has premises in Comiso, a technical office which
serves as a point of reference for all the Leagues which have been constituted
and for those in formation.
- The Coordinating body is
able to give indications on the complexive situation of struggle, the interests
which are developing around it, the bosses' objectives, the firms which have
been given contracts, the arrival of the American contingents of occupation,
the firms which are working to produce materials for the base, and the
presence of the Americans in the area.
- It can also supply the
instruments for widening the knowledge in Sicily, Italy and abroad on the
situation in Comiso.
- It sees to bringing out a
periodical bulletin with the various decisions and the various proposals of
the individual Leagues, and on their formation and development.
- Organizes periodical
meetings of the representatives of the various Leagues, meetings to be held at
Comiso.
- It is worked on a rotation
basis by the components of the various Leagues therefore is an organism formed
and constituted by the League itself which needs to take charge of the costs
relative to its functioning (rent, telephone, propaganda material, cost of
survival of those in charge).
CONCLUSION
The
self-managed League is an organism of struggle to prevent the construction of
the missile base at Comiso. It is based on the principle of autonomy of the
struggle and permanent conflictuality. The method it chooses is that of attack
against the construction of the base and against the interests of those who are
realizing it.
The decision to give precise
indications of struggle to the Leagues is up to the general meeting of the
Leagues' representatives, as well as the establishing of methods and whatever
is necessary to prevent the construction of the missile base at Comiso.
THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE
CRUISE MISSILE BASE AT COMISO CAN BE PREVENTED!
THE STRUGGLE MUST BEGIN FROM
A SELF-MANAGED ORGANIZATION CREATED BY THE FARMHANDS, PEASANTS, WORKERS,
HOUSEWIVES, AND STUDENTS THEMSELVES, OUTSIDE THE STRUCTURES OF THE PARTIES AND
TRADE UNIONS
The construction of the
missile base at Comiso, desired by American interests and supported by local
capitalists, can still be blocked by the will and strength of all the workers
and exploited.
The bosses' project of death
can be stopped if we organize autonomously and struggle also against the
blackmail of wages that have been promised to the unemployed if they work for
the construction of the base. By attacking the bosses to demand a different
kind of work and refusing to work for their project of atomic destruction,
various results could be obtained: the secret agreements of the parties and
trade unions who with their excuse of providing jobs also support construction
of the base, could be denounced; the employers would be obliged to give work in
other sectors; and the terrible rise in prices which will follow the arrival of
the Americans would be avoided.
The methods of struggle
indicated by the Communist Party have shown themselves to be insufficient. The
bosses are not intimidated by great marches for peace, the collection of
signatures or symbolic hunger strikes. These means do not force them to block
the construction of the base. For this reason many of those who participated in
these struggles are aware that it is necessary to have recourse to other
means-such as, for example, the occupation of the base and sabotage of the
interests of the bosses involved in this project of death-means which can be
decided and employed only from the direct and immediate will of all the workers
and exploited.
An ideal point of reference
for deciding what to do today can be found in the Sicilian revolutionary
tradition. The great wave of Sicilian socialist leagues at the beginning of the
century, the occupation of the land after the second World War, the events of
Avola where peasants and farmhands were killed by police bullets: all these
struggles, organized autonomously by the base of the workers, impel us to unite
in SELFMANAGED LEAGUES AGAINST THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MISSILE BASE AT COMISO.
Ragusa anarchist group
"Rivolta e
Liberta" anarchist group, Catania
July 23 1982
TO THE STUDENTS
While a new
school year is beginning and from all sides you are being invited to study and
engage yourselves to attain the instruction which should open up a road for you
in life and give you work, the forces of death led by American imperialism and
the local bosses and mafia are doing everything to transform your future into a
perspective of desolation.
A depot of
atomic bombs (Cruise missiles) is about to be installed in the Magliocco
airport in Comiso. It is to be the largest missile base in Europe. If it is
realized the Americans will have free way-with the excuse of balancing the
just as criminal Russian imperialism-to build bases everywhere. And young
Sicilians will to their eternal shame have the sad record of having been the
first to have accepted this project of death supinely, of not having been
capable of doing anything to prevent it.
With the arrival
of the army of occupation (15,000 American soldiers are expected) speculations
of the mafia will begin on housing, heavy drug pushing and prostitution. Bitter
gifts from an invader who well knows the instruments of dominion and
exploitation.
AND WHILE THE SCHOOL CLAIMS
TO GIVE YOU A FUTURE MAKING YOU STUDY SUBJECTS WHICH OFTEN HAVE NOTHING TO DO
WITH REALITY, A BAND OF ASSASSINS AND PROFITEERS ARE MAKING THEMSELVES AT HOME.
TOMORROW UNEMPLOYMENT AND POVERTY, EMIGRATION AND EXPLOITATION AWAIT YOU, PLUS
THE SHAME OF A FOREIGN INVADER IN OUR LAND.
LET US REBEL RIGHT AWAY
AGAINST THIS PROJECT OF DEATH!
Let us organize in
self-managed leagues of students against the construction of the base. The
indications of the Communist Party and the various pacifists are not enough to
defeat the Americans' and bosses' projects. Only a self-managed mobilization
far from the swindles of the parties and politicians will succeed.
To build a self-managed
league of students- to which other workers, unemployed, teachers, peasants,
farm workers, etc. can belong-does not require any bureaucratic procedure. The
will and common agreement of all those who participate is enough.
THE OBJECTIVES ARE: TO CARRY
OUT AN UNINTERRUPTED STRUGGLE AGAINST THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE BASE AND IMPOSE
A HARD, CONCRETE STRUGGLE NOT BASED ON MARCHES, PETITIONS OR GRAND DECLARATIONS
WITH NO BITE. THE BOSSES ARE NOT AFRAID OF WORDS, ONLY DEEDS STOP THEM AND
CONVINCE THEM TO RECEDE.
Already there exists in
Comiso a co-ordinating body of the self-managed leagues against the
construction of the base, in via Conte di Torino, 1, tel 966289. This is a
technical point of reference where all the initiatives relative to the
formation of leagues can turn.
The time has come to fight
the monstrous project of death which the Americans and local bosses (their
servants) are carrying out in Comiso. Let us unite now in self-managed leagues
or it will be too late to stop the homicidal hand of whoever wants to constrain
us to live with the prospect of atomic death.
LET US FORM SELF-MANAGED
STUDENTS' LEAGUES
Saturday October 16 at
5.30pm in Piazza Umberto,
the Coordinamento will hold a public meeting on the theme: "The
League as instrument of struggle against the missile base at Comiso".
Coordinamento
leghe autogestite contro la base missilistica di Comiso-via Conte di Torino, 1, Comiso
TO THE SERVICES WORKERS!
THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE
MISSILE BASE AT COMISO CAN BE PREVENTED!
While our wages are
continually being attacked, prices continue to rise
While the government
continues with its politic of patronage
While the parties of the
left keep quiet or openly support the interests of production and the trade
unions have now turned to being the mouthpieces of the exploiters.
AT COMISO, A BAND OF
ASSASSINS AND MAFIOSI
are building the largest
atomic missile base in Europe. The US Cruise missiles are being placed by
American imperialist logic and are being situated in Italy by the traitors of
the Socialist Party and the mafiosi of the Christian Democracy.
Instead of creating clean,
productive work, instead of resolving the very serious problem of unemployment
and the rise in prices, we are constrained to emigrate, reduced to silence
with the alms of lay off money. In the meantime the bosses are building atomic
missile bases to allow criminal American imperialism to make war with the just
as criminal Russian imperialism, and so doing are putting our lives in danger.
With the arrival of
15-20,000 Americans the installation of the base will mean total military and
police control of the area, whereby any form of dissent or protest (even wage
demands) will be strangled at birth. Rents will increase (at the Villagio dei
Gesuiti and Caucana they have already doubled) as well as all essential goods.
The mafia are operating to organize the heavy drug traffic, heroin and cocaine
(two out of every ten American soldiers use such drugs), prostitution,
speculation in the building industry, etc.
These will be the most
serious and immediate consequences-as well as the possibility of atomic
death-which the Americans will bring as soon as these new conquerors disembark
in our land.
The services workers can
contribute to stopping this criminal project. To complete the base local
bosses and the American army of occupation will require electricity,
telephones, water, street cleaning services, etc. It is up to us to decide
whether to give them our collaboration or not, whether to render ourselves
accomplices to a murderous project, or to obstruct their work by uniting and
attacking.
Workers have always been
against militarist projects, war, the enrichment of the bosses. They have
always had recourse to instruments of resistance and attack in order to obtain
decent wages and a happier life.
In the face of the prospect
of poverty, unemployment, emigration and death, let us rebel now, right away.
The villages in the Ragusa
area are responding to the construction of the base of death by organizing in
self-managed Leagues, autonomous organisms thus called according to the
traditions of struggle of the Sicilian proletariat.
LET US ORGANIZE RIGHT AWAY
IN SELF-MANAGED LEAGUES AGAINST THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE BASE OF DEATH!
To form a League of
workers-to which. also other workers, unemployed, students, farm
labourers, etc, can belong-does not require any bureaucratic procedure, the
will and agreement of all the participants is enough. The principal aims the
Leagues give themselves are: uninterrupted and hard struggle, destruction of
the base and sabotage of work on the same. Marches, petitions and hunger
strikes are not enough. The bosses do not fear such vague and general
declarations at all. Only deeds stop them and make them retreat.
Let us unite in Leagues to
attack and defeat the monstruous death project which the American assassins and
local mafiosi bosses are trying to bring about.
LET US FORM SELF-MANAGED
WORKERS' LEAGUES AGAINST THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE MISSILE BASE OF DEATH.
Coordinamento Leghe
Autogestite
contro la base missilistica
di Comiso
October 8 1982
steps and countersteps of a project of death
1979
DECEMBER 6. In accord with
the US the Cossiga government officially decides to house Euromissiles in Italy
and has full support of the majority parties. A determining role is played by
the PSI(1), totally subservient to
American interests, authorizing the government to sign production agreements.
The only parties to pronounce themselves against the missiles were the PCI2,
who asked for a six months' suspension, the PR3, PDUP(4) and the independent left.
Of course the whole thing was hushed up and no one continued to show
their dissent until-
1981
SPRING. News begins to leak
regarding the placing of the missiles. The site chosen is the Magliocco airport
situated three kilometres from Comiso, a town of 28,000 inhabitants in
south-east Sicily in the center of a vast plain cultivated with olive groves
and vines and greenhouse produced crops. The area immediately surrounding the
airport (which has been abandoned since 1972) is also cultivated. The
government justifies the choice of site by declaring the area almost deserted.
The base is programmed to house 112 atomic Cruise missiles of American
fabrication (General Dynamics).
Discussion and unrest in the
Ragusa area in all the towns and villages which by their position would be
immediately affected by the base.
In Ragusa anarchist comrades
distribute leaflets, intervene in conferences and dedicate a great deal of
space to the problem in their paper Sicilia
Libertaria, denouncing the criminal decision of the Italian and American
militarists, placing it in the context of the underdevelopment and colonialism
of which Sicily is a victim.
AUGUST 8. Government
officially declares that missiles are to be installed at Comiso. The
construction of the base is to take six years and 200 billion lire to be spent
by the NATO for the infrastructure.
Once again the politicians emerge on the subject-
Regional president,
Christian Democrat Mario d'Aquisto states that the region cannot cope with the
aversion to the base already manifested by the local autonomies and social
forces.
The mayor of Comiso,
Salvatore Catalano (Socialist Party), declares, "My council and I will do
everything we can to prevent Comiso becoming a nuclear firing range. We will
leave no stone unturned to prevent the actuation of this decision." All declarations in the heat of the moment,
they soon returned to positions conforming to those of "democratic"
parties.
The DC publishes a document
accusing the PCI of pro-sovietism, saying that the NATO operation is one of
defense.
Catalano the Socialist mayor
says it is not possible to ignore Lagorio's (Socialist Party defense minister)
guarantee of compensation for the base, although laments the lack of
consultation at local level.
The PCI also redimension
their declarations, asking for the base to be "frozen" while awaiting
the outcome of the Geneva peace negotiations. SEPTEMBER
The only forces who remain
in the field of struggle are the revolutionary comrades, among whom the Ragusa
anarchists and the comrades of Lotta
continua per il comunismo who form a Gruppo Promotore against the
installation of the base. With leaflets and outdoor meetings they denounce the
government's decision and the broken promises of the parties who declared
themselves to be against the base.
In Comiso the CUDIP(5)
is formed, intending to express its dissent from the government's decision.
The CUDIP has in Cagnes, ex PCI deputy, ex-mayor of Comiso, its major promoter
and president.
On power's side the project is developed
The number of soldiers
stationed at the airport is increased.
Lagorio pays an unexpected furtive visit to inspect his future creature of death.
The Americans, for their
part, decide to increase their influence and presence in Sicilian soil at
economic level in particular in the chemical industry. By forming the ENOX
society, a fusion of the Italian State ENI with the American multinational
Occidental, they gain control of the ANIC in Gela, Montedison at Syracuse and
the Petrolchimica in Augusta, the three major petrol refineries in southern
Italy. The Gruppo Promotore against
the installation of the base publish a single issue Contro la Guerra (against war) and call for a national conference
with the same theme.
OCTOBER 11. Gruppo Promotore hold national conference in Comiso with 2,000
comrades present from all over Italy. Intense debate starting from three themes
introduced by promoting group: imperialism and war; militarization of
territory; waste of environment due to construction of base.
OCTOBER 11. On the same day as the conference the
CUDIP organize peace demonstration, changing date from October 4 to create
confusion and boycotting of conference. Later Sicilia Libertaria reports in an article entitled ‘Between
bocotting and militance’: "... the Conference differed from the other
folkloristic demonstration of the afternoon organized and orchestrated in
puppet-like fashion (majorettes, bands, town hall banners), march which took
place backwards, i.e. left the airport (the objective of struggle) to reach
the town."
Following the march of October 11 Peace Committees spring up in Sicily and all over Italy on the model of the CUDIP with the aim of spreading the struggle against the base all over Italy. These committees, however, being the expression of the various parties and similar structures (PCI, PDUP, DP, PR, etc.) do not manage to go beyond analytical wrangling, peace marches and conferences.
OCTOBER, NOVEMBER. Many
marches, imposing and significant for their number of participants (17
October-50,000 in Turin, 24 October-300,000 in Rome, 25 October-100,000 in
Milan, 28 October-50,000 in Venice, 29 October-70,000 in Vicenza, 28
October-170,000 in Florence, 29 November-50,000 in Palermo), but not so for
their content, a general request for "peace", and the suspension of the construction of the
base at Comiso, and even less so for the indication and objectives of concrete
action to stop the construction of this temple of death.
The logic of the PCI and its
satellite parties is not that of giving precise objectives of struggle to
prevent the construction of the base, their interests lies rather in mobilising
as many people as possible so as to have as much weight as possible at
parliamentary level.
The need to develop and concentrate the struggle in
Comiso and other places where imperialism is trying to put its plans into
effect and to give oneself precise objectives becomes the subject of wide
debate in the revolutionary movement and within the Gruppo Promotore.
The comrades of Lotta continua per il comunismo maintain
that it is necessary to break the social pact in the places of arms production,
energy and informatics, making the objective that of working to create a mass
movement of antagonism in Italy.
The Ragusa anarchist
comrades, not agreeing with this analysis, saw instead in Comiso the focal
point of the struggle as point of departure for successive stages and more
advanced perspectives.
For the anarchists in
Catania on the contrary the struggle at Comiso cannot be considered a
"political battle". The conflict assumes, from the beginning, a
social and revolutionary nature and must address itself immediately towards
solutions-in the short and medium term-of an insurrectional nature. They criticize
the Gruppo Promotore for having lost
themselves in great specialized analyses on imperialism and of not having made
a class analysis regarding the problem of the missile base. The methodology of
struggle is therefore that of attack, and the objectives to strike are those
responsible for the decisions concerning the installation of the base and the
structures of American interests in Sicily, national and international
capital. DECEMBER
The contradictions within the revolutionary movement are great and
there is a split in the Gruppo Promotore
1982
FEBRUARY 13. NATO meeting in
Brussels where news leaks out that the order to fire the missiles could only be
given by the American president, and that Italy would only have the right to a
"political veto". Moreover it was learned that the missiles are to be
transferred every three months to other areas of Sicily, and in the case of
conflict the lorries on which the launching ramps are placed will be dispersed
within a range of 350 km. Expected cost of the base doubles from the 200 billion lire stated in August to 400
billion.
MARCH 5. News comes out that
the plane which exploded in flight on June 27
1980 where 81 people were killed
had been struck by a missile fired by American naval forces during an exercise in
the Ustica area.
MARCH 26. Work begins on construction of the base. Contracts given to
Ragusa firm, ICI. Preparations are made to demolish the old structures of the
Magliocco airport, and for this receives 825 million lire,
APRIL 4. Sicilian peace committees,
after long period of inactivity, organize another peace march in Comiso. It is
obvious that the parties within the committee have no intention of directing
the spontaneous will to struggle and continue to operate as a safety valve,
again organizing the march to start off from the airport and walk away from it.
80,000 people participate in the
demonstration. While the opposition to
the base does does-not find the means to concretize its will to struggle,
squeezed between the instrumentalisation of the PCI and hangers on and the
inadequacies of the revolutionary movement which does not know how to come out
of its shell into the social field of struggle with actions and indications,
power continues its work.
APRIL 4. Another criminal
episode due to militarization takes place. The internal flight Milan-Palermo is
almost hit by a missile which explodes 2 miles
from it. There were 115 passengers aboard, and the event took place in the same
airspace, between Ustica and Ponza, as the previous "accident". This
time there is a NATO exercise in course, Distant Drum 81.
JUNE 4. In same airspace a
plane carrying 100 passengers is obliged to turn back because of unknown
fighters crossing its flight. Again there is a NATO sixth fleet operation in
course. Following numerous complaints American high officials explain the
operation is due to end 26.6.82 and
that perhaps it would be better to suspend all flights in the zone of exercise
until then. At the same time the
Americans intensify their military occupation of Sicilian soil. The
population of Pantelleria denounce the presence of about 300 American soldiers
in the area and news leaks out that a project exists to build a NATO base
similar to the one intended for Comiso also in that area. The old barracks of
the Magliocco airport are to be rebuilt to house the first thousand American
soldiers.
JUNE 4. Defence minister
Lagorio, supreme Architect of the atomic armament project, sends invitations
to participate in the contest for contracts for the base to 13 Sicilian firms,
prevalently Catanese; Ceap-Immobiliare Sicilians, Ciem, Craci, Condotte-Buscemi,
Costanzo, Compagno, Mario-Rendo-Guardiani, Ugo Rendi, Pizzarotti Soltedile;
Mec-lpresit; Saisep; Ici-Provera e Carassi; Ivrato-Lodigiani. Most of these
firms have strong links with the Catania and Palermo mafia and some of these
contractors have since been charged with fraud and have arrest warrants
pending. On the front of the struggle
against the base, following the split within the Gruppo Promotore, the comrades
of Ragusa anarchist group and the anarchist group Rivolta e Liberta of Catania
engage themselves in working to coagulate the mass antagonism towards the base,
giving the clear indication that the only way to stop it being built is for the
whole population to occupy the site, and that now is the time to organize with
that aim in view.
JUNE/JULY
A series of outdoor meetings
are held in Comiso and the fifteen or so surrounding towns and villages.
Counterinformation regarding the effects of the base was distributed in the
form of leaflets, photographic exhibitions, bookstalls accompanying the
meetings. The response was positive, and the comrades realized that their
analyses encountered the true feelings of a very large part of the population,
the part who have nothing to gain and everything to lose by the presence of the base and its side
collateral effects. Acting on the indications which emerged from the
population, the comrades took it upon themselves to suggest self managed
Leagues as the optimal organizational form to prepare for the occupation and
destruction of the base, based on a project of permanent conflictuality and
hard direct struggle.
JULY 26. Pacifist camp opens in Vittoria, 6 kilometres from Comiso.
JULY 27. Pacifists stage sit in, in front of the airport.
JULY 31/AUGUST 1.
International anarchist conference in municipal sports ground of Comiso. About 200 comrades were present and various
groups undertook to carry the Comiso struggle to their own reality, to publish
bulletins regarding the struggle against the base, and to support the struggle
by subscriptions. Sunday August 1, meeting in evening in Piazza Fonte Diana,
Comiso, attended by about 150 comrades and twice as many local workers and
unemployed. The effects which the installation of the missile base would have
on the local population were underlined by comrade Alfredo Bonanno who
underlined that the only way to prevent this was by organizing to take direct
action against it. Anarchist comrade Pippo Scarso tore up his call up card and
made a speech as to why he was refusing to do military service. The meeting
concluded with a demonstration from the town center to the airport, the first
to get the direction right, even if only symbolically at this point.
AUGUST 7: On the anniversary
of the massacre of Hiroshima, the activities of the international peace camp
(debates, round tables, sit-in, etc) culminate in the building of a wall of
cardboard boxes in front of the entrance to the Magliocco airport. SEPTEMBER 1.
Demonstration of 200 pacifists and peace happening in front of the airport with
prayers and religious rites songs and music.
SEPTEMBER 8. Archbishop
Rizzo of Ragusa goes to talk to pacifists at peace camp. SEPTEMBER 11: In
Comiso, in via Conte di Torino, 1, the Coordinamento
delle Leghe Autogestite contro la base missilistica di Comiso is
opened, a technical office and point of reference for the Leagues which are
beginning to form in the area. SEPTEMBER 13: The mafia give signs of having
reached the area when a bomb explodes in a sawmill in Vittoria with extortion
threats.
SEPTEMBER 14/15: The two
remaining tents at the peace camp are slashed as act of provocation by local
interests in favor of the base.. The camp is abandoned two days later due to
bad weather conditions. Pacifist conscientious objector Turi Vaccari reaches
23rd day of hunger strike against the base. The mayor of Comiso, Catalano,
forbids the placing of posters in the piazza Fonte Diana where Turi is fasting.
SEPTEMBER 22. The
militarization of Sicilian territory continues with the eviction of 91 peasants
and their families from Gangi, a small town in the Palermo region. The reason
given for the evictions was that the area is to become a permanent firing
range. SEPTEMBER 27. Turi Vaccaro reaches 35th day of hunger strike with the
aim of making the Pope come to Comiso to pronounce himself against the
missiles. Pacifists hold regional meeting to discuss future activities.
Antimilitarist demonstration announced for Christmas.
The Coordinamento continue their work at
capillary level in the area with about 20 open air meetings, talking to the
proletarian women in their homes, the students in the schools, the unemployed
at the labour exchanges.
SEPTEMBER 28. On reading the
leaflet handed out by comrades of the Coordinamento
one of the schools in Vittoria refused to enter when the bell rang and
instead held a spontaneous assembly in one of the town squares to discuss the
problem of the missile base. Some of the students formed a League, and two
weeks later called all the six secondary schools of Vittoria out on strike and
held a huge meeting (over 1,000 present).